ICC issues landmark judgment: Bemba convicted as commander-in-chief for sexual violence crimes (Part 2/2)

Yesterday was a day of firsts for the International Criminal Court (ICC). Jean Pierre Bemba Gombo’s conviction is the ICC’s first for sexual violence (see part 1 of this post), including against men. And, not only that, it is the first conviction of a military commander for crimes committed by soldiers under his command – Bemba did not commit any of the crimes himself. Here are some highlights in relation to this second important issue.

First conviction for command responsibility

As I wrote earlier, Bemba stood trial (and was convicted) as President and Commander-in-Chief of the Mouvement de libération du Congo (MLC) for three counts of war crimes (murder, rape, and pillaging) and two crimes against humanity (murder, and rape) committed by MLC soldiers in the Central African Republic (CAR) in 2002-2003. The MLC had entered the CAR to assist then CAR President Ange-Felix Patassé to suppress an attempted military coup. There, the MLC soldiers engaged in a campaign of pillage, murder, and rape against the civilian population. While he did not commit these crimes himself, Bemba stood trial because “he knew” that his troops were committing these crimes, and “did not take all necessary and reasonable measures within his power to prevent or repress their commission”. He is the first person to have been charged at the ICC with command responsibility under article 28 of the Rome Statute. The Trial Chamber included a detailed analysis of the applicable law under article 28, and of the evidence in relation to Bemba’s responsibility.

The Chamber found that Bemba was the MLC’s military and political leader from its creation throughout the entire period of the charges. He took the most important decisions, and held broad formal powers, including controlling the MLC’s funding and issuing operational orders to commanders in the field. The Chamber stressed: “the determination of whether a person has effective authority and control rests on that person’s material power to prevent or repress the commission of crimes or to submit the matter to a competent authority” (698). It found that Bemba maintained such primary disciplinary authority over his troops in the CAR, and that he was “both a person acting as military commander and had effective authority and control over the contingent of MLC troops in the CAR throughout the 2002-2003 CAR Operation” (705).

The Chamber also discussed a broad range of evidence proving Bemba’s knowledge of the commission of crimes by the MLC, including logbooks and intelligence reports, NGO publications and communications, and local and international media sources (706-718). Bemba was in regular communication with his commanders in the field, received updates on troop movements, politics, combat situation, and allegations of crimes, and at times specifically discussed these international reports with his commanders. As it was clearly established that Bemba knew crimes were being committed, the Chamber felt it was “not warranted” to make determinations on the “should have known” element of article 28(a).  Continue reading

ICC issues landmark judgment: Bemba convicted as commander-in-chief for sexual violence crimes (Part 1/2)

Today, 21 March 2016, was a historic day for the International Criminal Court (ICC). Trial Chamber III unanimously convicted Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo (Bemba) for his responsibility as commander-in-chief for crimes of murder, pillage, and rape committed by soldiers under his effective authority and control in the Central African Republic in 2002-2003. This makes Bemba not only the first person to be convicted by the ICC for crimes committed by troops under his command, but the first person to be convicted of sexual violence. I have not yet finished reading the 364-page judgment in full, but in this two-part blog post, I provide some initial highlights on these two questions. Citations are to paragraphs in the judgment.

First conviction for sexual violence

As I wrote previously, Bemba stood trial for two counts of sexual violence: rape as a war crime and as a crime against humanity. The judgment is the ICC’s fourth, but the first to include a conviction for sexual violence. Thomas Lubanga was convicted in 2012, but the case did not include sexual violence charges. Mathieu Ngudjolo and Germain Katanga were tried for rape and sexual slavery, but Ngudjolo was acquitted in full in 2012, and Katanga partially acquitted of the sexual violence charges in 2014. Bemba’s conviction thus marks an important turning point for the ICC regarding accountability for sexual violence.

Importantly, the rape charges in this case were based on evidence from both male and female victims of rape. The trial judgment describes in quite some detail specific acts of rape committed against both men and women. The Chamber heard testimony about rape in public, rape in front of family members and communities, gang rapes, and rape of young girls, some as young as 10 years old. Men were also raped, including when trying to prevent their wives or daughters from being raped. Rapes were often committed in conjunction with other crimes, such as pillaging, and marked by violence, often including beatings and threats with weapons.

The judgment reiterates many of the Rome Statute’s gender sensitive legal standards. The Chamber emphasised that rape under the Rome Statute is a gender-neutral crime: it is committed by the “invasion” of a part of the victim’s body (or that of the perpetrator) by “a sexual organ”, can include same-sex penetration, and can thus encompass both male and female perpetrators and victims. Oral penetration can also amount to rape (100-101). The Chamber also recalled that invasion using objects or any other part of the body constitutes rape under the Rome Statute (99). The fact that acts are committed by force, threat of force or coercion, by taking advantage of a coercive environment, or against a person incapable of giving genuine consent for the Chamber gives the invasion of a body “a criminal character” (102). The Chamber reiterated that a victim’s lack of consent is not a legal element of the crime of rape at the ICC (105). Finally, the Chamber noted that in analysing the evidence, it was guided by Rules 70 and 71, which detail important principles regarding evidence of sexual violence. Continue reading

Can the ICC prosecute forced contraception?

A recent New York Times article on the enforcement of contraception by fighters of Islamic State to prevent Yazidi women and girls held as sex slaves from becoming pregnant, once again underscored the broad range of sexual and reproductive violence committed against women and girls in conflict. As I wrote elsewhere in a longer version of this post, a question that immediately popped into my mind reading this was: does international criminal law, as we know it, have the tools to capture this harm, and how can it address such reproductive violence?

Although Iraq is not a State Party to the Rome Statute, let’s assume for a moment that the International Criminal Court (ICC) could (hypothetically) exercise jurisdiction over crimes committed by ISIS fighters in Iraq. How could we charge this forced use of contraception?

The Rome Statute criminalises a broad range of sexual and gender-based crimes, but only two specifically capture reproductive harm (although all forms of sexual violence can have serious, long-lasting reproductive consequences): forced pregnancy, and enforced sterilisation. Enforced sterilisation as either a war crime or crime against humanity means the deprivation of a person’s biological reproductive capacity without their genuine consent. On the face of it, this might cover forcing Yazidi women and girls to take contraception. However, the Elements of the Crimes specify that enforced sterilisation “is not intended to include birth-control measures which have a non-permanent effect in practice”.

Although it could potentially be charged it as genocide “by imposing measures intended to prevent births”, strong evidence would need to be submitted that the acts were committed with specific genocidal intent, i.e. with “intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious groups, as such”.

Then what about a charge of other forms of sexual violence? Under the Rome Statute, other forms of sexual violence constitute: “… [the commission of] acts of a sexual nature against one or more persons or caus[ing] such person or persons to engage in an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion…”. Classifying forced contraception as “other forms of sexual violence” thus depends on what determines whether an act is of a sexual nature. The women and girls were forced to take contraception in order for them to “remain available for sex”. Suspending their reproductive capacity was thus a critical component of the conditions that enabled rape (i.e. an act of a sexual nature) to take place. As such, if we conceptualise the rationale for the specific act of forced contraception as the ‘sexual nature’ part of the definition, forced contraception could be charged as “other forms of sexual violence”.

However, judges at the ICC have previously ruled that penile amputation – in effect, depriving men of their biological reproductive capacity – did not constitute acts of a sexual nature (note: in that case, the acts were not charged as enforced sterilisation by the Prosecution, but as other forms of sexual violence). While that decision has been heavily criticised, it does underscore that there is no clear understanding (yet) as to what “of a sexual nature” means under the Rome Statute.

The most likely charge, therefore, seems to be “other inhumane acts” as a crime against humanity under article 7(1)(k). Under this same article, the Office of the Prosecutor has charged Dominic Ongwen with forced marriage, a crime also not specifically provided for in the Rome Statute. This catchall provision could thus become an important feature in international criminal law to respond to and address new and emerging forms of violence against women in conflict not currently captured by the law. However, unless and until the ICC acquires jurisdiction over the crimes committed by ISIS, this discussion on the prosecution of forced contraception for Yazidi women and girls is one we can only have in the abstract.

Why we should be watching the ICC on 21 March

On 21 March 2016, Trial Chamber III of the International Criminal Court (ICC) will deliver the trial judgment in the case against Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo (Bemba). It will be an important day in the life of this now 14-year-old institution. If Bemba is convicted as charged, he will not only be the first military commander to be convicted for crimes committed by troops under his command, but it will be the first conviction at the ICC for sexual violence. Both issues have been the subject of fierce litigation.

Command responsibility

Bemba stood trial as President and Commander-in-Chief of the Mouvement de libération du Congo (MLC) for five counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by MLC soldiers in the Central African Republic (CAR) in 2002-2003. The MLC had entered the CAR to assist then CAR President Ange-Felix Patassé to suppress an attempted military coup. There, the MLC soldiers are alleged to have engaged in a campaign of pillage, murder, and rape against the civilian population. While he did not commit these crimes himself, Bemba stood trial because “he knew or should have known” that his troops were committing these crimes, and “did not take all necessary and reasonable measures within his power to prevent or repress their commission”. He is the first person to have been charged at the ICC with command responsibility under article 28 of the Rome Statute.

This mode of liability, however, was disputed. During the confirmation of charges hearing in 2009, the Prosecution originally submitted that Bemba was responsible as a co-perpetrator under article 25(3)(a). When the Pre-Trial Chamber, adjourning the confirmation hearing, indicated that the evidence appeared to suggest a different mode of liability, the Prosecution amended the charges, bringing both article 25(3)(a) and article 28 in the alternative. Amnesty International was subsequently accepted as amicus curiae on the issue of superior responsibility. The Pre-Trial Chamber eventually confirmed charges against Bemba under article 28, finding substantial grounds to believe that he “knew that MLC troops were committing or were about to commit crimes”.

In September 2012, the mode of liability was again the subject of discussion, this time following a Trial Chamber decision to use the controversial Regulation 55. Whereas the Pre-Trial Chamber had only confirmed charges on the basis that Bemba “knew” crimes were being committed, the Trial Chamber notified the parties and participants that it may consider the alternate form of knowledge, namely that “owing to the circumstances at the time, … [he] should have known that the forces … were committing or about to commit such crimes”. The Defence objected and sought leave to appeal, which the Trial Chamber rejected. After further back-and-forth between the Defence and the Chamber concerning the need for additional investigations, the Trial Chamber reiterated in a decision in 2013 that it had not yet made a “formal decision” on the recharacterisation. It reserved judgment on the matter for its article 74 decision. The question is thus likely to be addressed extensively in the upcoming trial judgment, and will hopefully provide important clarification on the responsibility of military commanders for the actions of their troops and for failures to prevent, repress or punish the commission of crimes.

Continue reading

Confirmation of charges hearing in Dominic Ongwen case: hopeful signs for gender justice?

From 21 to 27 January 2016, the confirmation of charges hearing in the Dominic Ongwen case was held at the International Criminal Court (ICC). It is an important case for many reasons, one of which is this post’s subject: the case includes a high number of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) charges, which, if confirmed, would be the broadest range of such crimes ever to come to trial at the ICC. It would certainly illustrate that the positive trend in this respect that started with the Ntaganda case continues, and would consolidate important case law on these crimes.

Dominic Ongwen, an alleged senior commander in the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), is charged with responsibility for 70 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the LRA in various locations in Northern Uganda from at least 1 July 2002 to 31 December 2005. Importantly, the charges include eight counts of SGBV: rape, torture, and sexual slavery as both war crimes and crimes against humanity, and forced marriage and enslavement as crimes against humanity. This makes it an important case for gender justice at the ICC. The case has the highest number of SGBV charges to date.

However, if the Court’s track-record for sexual violence charges is something to go by, we are in for a rainy day. With Ngudjolo’s acquittal in 2012, and Katanga’s partial conviction in 2014 excluding sexual violence crimes, there have thus far been no successful convictions for SGBV crimes at the ICC. This is a disappointing record for a Court that was heralded as a “model for gender justice” when its Statute entered into force.

With the Office of the Prosecutor’s (OTP) stated commitment to strengthen its investigation and prosecution of SGBV, however, there is hope that this case will be different. It follows in the footsteps of the Ntaganda case – the first case to reach the confirmation stage since Fatou Bensouda took office as Prosecutor; this was the first case in which all SGBV charges sought by the Prosecution at confirmation were confirmed. Further, in the Ntaganda case, the OTP is pushing the understandings of IHL protections around (sexual violence) crimes committed against one’s own troops. If successful, this would develop international law’s gendered understandings of child recruitment.

The Ongwen case may shed light on yet another relatively under-developed area of gender justice in international criminal law jurisprudence. It would be one of the few cases in international criminal justice to address the crime of forced marriage. While not included in the Rome Statute as a separate offence, the Prosecution has charged forced marriage as an inhumane act of similar character under Article 7(1)(k). The Prosecution alleges that the LRA pursued a policy of abducting women and young girls with the express aim of forcing them to act as wives of LRA commanders and fighters. While the OTP alleges that exclusive sexual services were an inherent part of being a forced wife, importantly, they argued that it also encompasses other, non-sexual, tasks such as household chores, cooking, and child rearing, i.e. raising new LRA fighters.  Continue reading

New WCRO Report Examines ICC Confirmation of Charges Process

Report 19 coverToday, Single Judge Cuno Tarfusser, acting on behalf of Pre-Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court (ICC), issued a decision postponing the confirmation hearing in the case against Ahmad A1 Faqi A1 Mahdi, a suspected rebel charged with war crimes arising from the alleged destruction of cultural property in Mali. The decision comes as no surprise, as confirmation proceedings in nearly every case that has come before the ICC have been postponed at least once, tacking on weeks or months to an already lengthy process intended only to ensure that the charges in a case go beyond “mere theory or suspicion” and that a trial on “wrongful and wholly unfounded charges” is avoided [Lubanga Confirmation Decision, para 37]. This process, which is unique to the ICC and which has come under increasing scrutiny from both outside and within the Court, is the subject of the latest report issued by the War Crimes Research Office, entitled The Confirmation of Charges Process at the International Criminal Court: A Critical Assessment and Recommendations for Change.

Prior to committing a suspect to trial, a Pre-Trial Chamber of the ICC must hold a hearing to assess whether the Prosecution has presented sufficient evidence to establish substantial grounds to believe that the suspect bears responsibility for the charged crime(s) [Rome Statute, Art. 61]. In theory, the confirmation process is intended to achieve several goals, including ensuring prosecutorial fairness and efficiency, protecting the rights of the suspect, and promoting judicial economy. However, as a detailed review of the twelvPicture1e confirmation hearings held at the ICC to date shows, in practice, the process has fallen far short of achieving these goals. Rather than promoting efficiency, the confirmation process has added significant time to the overall length of trials before the ICC, with the shortest amount of time between a suspect’s initial appearance and a decision on whether to confirm the charges being more than seven months and the longest period being more than two and a half years. (See table above.) Furthermore, the delay a suspect faces to actually get to trial does not end once the decision confirming charges is issued, as the parties may seek leave to appeal.

Picture2Once a Trial Chamber is finally constituted – a process that itself can take up to three months – the actual start of trial has frequently been delayed by issues relating to disclosure, translations, witness security, etc. (See table to the right.)

Issues regarding the precise nature of the charges against the accused have also persisted well into the trial due to Trial Chambers’ extensive use of a regulation that permits the Court to change the legal characterization of the facts during trial, meaning that the Court is spending on average more than fifteen months to confirm charges that may be substantially altered over the course of trial. Continue reading

Investigating Crimes against Peacekeepers in the Situation in Georgia

The Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has officially requested authorisation from the court to initiate an investigation into alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the armed conflict in Georgia between the breakaway region of South Ossetia and Georgia (also involving the Russian Federation) in August 2008. A key strand of the investigation concerns alleged attacks against peacekeepers, in this case, the Joint Peacekeeping Forces Group or JPKF, created in 1992 to monitor the Sochi agreement between Georgia and Russia, and comprised of peacekeepers from Russia, Georgia and North Ossetia.

In its request, the OTP argues that there is reasonable basis to believe that both South Ossetian (potentially with Russian armed forces exercising overall control) and Georgian armed forces committed the war crime of attacking personnel or objects involved in a peacekeeping mission. Georgian peacekeepers were reportedly heavily shelled from South Ossetian positions, killing two Georgian peacekeepers and injuring five more, while, in a separate incident, ten Russian peacekeepers were reportedly killed and thirty wounded as a result of an alleged attack by Georgian forces against their base, which was also, reportedly, destroyed. While the OTP faces many challenges in this case (for discussions see here, here and here), from the perspective of sufficiency of evidence for substantive crimes, these allegations may be the most difficult to prove.

The ICC Statute gives the Court jurisdiction over the crime of intentionally directing attacks against personnel, installations, material, units or vehicles involved in a humanitarian or peacekeeping missions in accordance with the UN Charter, as long as they are entitled to the protection given to civilians or civilian objects under international humanitarian law (Articles 8(2)(b)(iii) and 8(2)(e)(iii)). Proving that an attack against peacekeepers has occurred is a two stage test. Firstly, it must be shown that the force in question was ‘a peacekeeping mission established in accordance with the UN Charter’, a concept that is open to different interpretations. The ICC has already considered this matter in some detail in its Abu Garda Decision on the Confirmation of Charges, where the Pre-Trial Chamber relied upon three basic principles when determining whether or not a peacekeeping mission was constituted, namely: (i) whether the consent of the parties to the mission has been obtained; (ii) that the mission is impartial; and (iii) that the mission did not use force other than in self-defence. If these principles are fulfilled, the mission constitutes a peacekeeping mission, and its personnel are entitled to civilian status and consequent protection under international humanitarian law (IHL).

The OTP acknowledges that there are difficulties surrounding whether the JPKF in fact fulfilled these criteria. This is particularly so regarding whether the mission was impartial (paras. 151-155). For example, the submission refers to sources cited by the Government of Georgia arguing that Russian peacekeeping sources were not impartial, but were supporting the South Ossetian de facto authorities (para. 152), there are also suggestions that infrastructure connected with Russian peacekeeping forces was being used to make an effective contribution to the military action of a party to the conflict (para. 172). Thus, the OTP’s conclusion that the ‘JPKF fulfilled the criteria of a peacekeeping mission in accordance with the UN Charter and so was entitled to protected civilian status’ (para. 160) is open to question. Continue reading

Event Announcement: “ADMINISTRATION AND MANAGEMENT OF AD HOC INTERNATIONAL COURTS AND TRIBUNALS”

THE AMERICAN SOCIETY OF INTERNATIONAL LAW, THE NEW YORK CITY BAR ASSOCIATION WITH THE CYRUS R. VANCE CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE WILL CO-HOST A PANEL DISCUSSION ON AD HOC INTERNATIONAL COURTS AND TRIBUNALS

This event will feature a panel discussion on how ad hoc tribunals are created, financed, managed, and dissolved to address international legal issues. Among the panelists will be Mr. Adema Dieng, U.N. Secretary-General’s Special Adviser for the Prevention of Genocide. The event is co-sponsored by ASIL’s International Criminal Law, International Courts and Tribunals, and the Transitional Justice and Rule of Law Interest Groups, the New York City Bar Association, and the Cyrus R. Vance Center for International Justice.

Panelists:

  • Adama Dieng, U.N. Secretary-General’s Special Adviser for the Prevention of Genocide
  • Daryl Mundis, Special Tribunal for Lebanon, The Hague
  • Giles Norman, Permanent Mission of Canada to the United Nations
  • Milena Sterio, Cleveland-Marshal College of Law
  • Moderator: Tamara Shockley, International Courts & Tribunals Interest Group co-chair

If you are an ASIL member, click here to register for this event. If you are not an ASIL member, click here to register or access the following link:. http://www.asil.org/event/administration-and-management-ad-hoc-international-courts-and-tribunals ASIL and New York City Bar members are free.

Date and Location

Date: Monday, October 5, 2015 – 6:00pm to 8:00pm

Location: New York City Bar Association

Address 1: 42 W. 44th Street

City: New York

State: NY

Zip Code: 10036

Go On! Update, ICC Summer School 2015 (deadline 30 May)

We’ve posted previously about this year’s ICC Summer School from 15-19 June 2015 at the Irish Centre for Human Rights, NUI Galway. Here is an update, with the full list of faculty:

The ICC Summer School at the Irish Centre for Human Rights is the premier summer school on the International Criminal Court, the world’s permanent institution for the trial of international crimes. This year’s ICC Summer School will take place from 15-19 June 2015 at NUI Galway, Ireland. The Summer School comprises a series of intensive and interactive lectures over five days given by leading academics and legal professionals working at the International Criminal Court. Participants are provided with a detailed working knowledge of the establishment of the Court, its structures, operations, and applicable law. Specific topics covered include international crimes (genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity & aggression), jurisdiction, modes of liability, the role of victims and prosecutorial discretion. This year’s Summer School will include a special session on Palestine and the International Criminal Court, which will involve the participation of the Palestinian Ambassador to Ireland, Ambassador Ahmad Abdelrazek. The Summer School is suited to postgraduate students, legal professionals, journalists and staff of civil society or intergovernmental organisations.

The 2015 ICC Summer School faculty includes:

  • Professor William Schabas – Middlesex University & Irish Centre for Human Rights
  • Professor Kevin Jon Heller – School of Oriental and African Studies, London
  • Dr. Fabricio Guariglia – Office of the Prosecutor at the International Criminal Court
  • Dr. Mohamed M. El Zeidy – Pre-Trial Chamber II at the International Criminal Court
  • Dr. Rod Rastan – Office of the Prosecutor at the International Criminal Court
  • Professor Ray Murphy – Irish Centre for Human Rights, NUI Galway
  • Professor Don Ferencz, Visiting Professor, School of Law, Middlesex University; Research Associate, Oxford University Faculty of Law Centre for Criminology
  • Dr. Kwadwo Appiagyei Atua – University of Ghana and University of Lincoln
  • Dr. Michael Kearney – School of Law, Sussex University
  • Dr. Noelle Higgins – Senior Lecturer, Law Department Maynooth University
  • Ms. Salma Karmi-Ayyoub – Barrister, London
  • Dr. Nadia Bernaz – School of Law, Middlesex University
  • Mr. John McManus – Canadian Department of Justice
  • Professor Megan A. Fairlie – Florida International University
  • Dr. Mohamed Badar – Northumbria University, United Kingdom
  • Dr. Shane Darcy – Irish Centre for Human Rights, NUI Galway

The closing date for registrations is 30 May 2015. The registration fee (€450) includes all course materials, all lunches and refreshments, a social activity and a closing dinner. The registration fee also includes a complimentary copy of: William A. Schabas, Introduction to the International Criminal Court (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011, 4th ed.).

To register and for more information, please visit: http://www.conference.ie/Conferences/index.asp?Conference=405.

Should you have any queries, please email: iccsummerschool@gmail.com.

Read On! Taking Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Seriously in International Criminal Law

Evelyne Schmid, Taking Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Seriously in International Criminal Law, Cambridge Studies in International and Comparative Law, 2015.

At least sincoverpictce Amartya Sen’s economic research, it is well-known that many of ‘those who fall victim to adverse human agency are not injured by proximate violence but as a result of being compelled to live in subhuman conditions’. To address this fact, scholars and practitioners have been debating whether the mechanisms commonly used to address legacies of widespread abuse could engage with economic, social and cultural abuses. Should they be encouraged to do so? And can international law(yers) be of any help in this regard? Continue reading