Solidarity for Peace in Kashmir

Cecilia M. Bailliet, UN Independent Expert on Human Rights and International Solidarity

It is ironic that contemporaneous to the 30th Anniversary of the Bandung Declaration promoting the principle of peaceful coexistence, we witness the resurgence of the use of force over commitment to peaceful dispute resolution. We are reminded that the historic Simla Agreement of 1972 called for both Governments to take all steps within their power to prevent hostile propaganda directed against each other. They were also tasked with promoting the development of friendly relations between them.  The current risk of endangering peace within the region is grave.

The cycles of violence and displacement have created generations of children and youth growing up in limbo without the security of home, limitation of education due to closure of schools, denial of medical care, under-employment, and interference with the evolution of sound psycho-social identity.  Rather than promote peace, the polarization between the two states has limited freedom of expression and deprived the Kashmiri youth of a voice, instead breeding alienation and radicalization.

It is notable both India and Pakistan voted in favor of the UN Declaration on the Right to Peace that sets forth in Article 2 that States should respect, implement and promote equality and non-discrimination, justice and the rule of law, and guarantee freedom from fear and want as a means to build peace within and between societies.

India and Pakistan should show leadership in promoting Unity in Diversity within Kashmir by committing to setting up solidarity commissions comprised of Hindu and Muslim representatives to promote peace education institutions based on mutual respect and cooperation for the Kashmiri youth, teach civic participation, and create channels for discussion of important issues such as peaceful access to water and improvement of sustainable development for the region.

Towards an International Solidarity Paradigm for Cultural Heritage

There is a need for the international community to show solidarity for restoration of cultural heritage in countries undergoing armed conflict, internal violence, and transition from authoritarian regimes that has been destroyed due to armed conflict through the adoption of a new International Solidarity Paradigm to address challenges during conflict and afterwards.

There is a protracted phenomenon of bombing and shelling of schools, universities, libraries, central archives, archeological sites, landmarks, palaces, fountains, churches, temples, mosques, shrines, and cemeteries in conflict zones that results in the complete loss of cultural heritage. This includes loss of literature, poetry, music, visual arts, artifacts, architecture, and other forms of cultural expression. 

There is an imperative need to restore cultural heritage through the adoption of an International Solidarity Cultural Program to enable the recording of music and poetry, the printing of literature, and the provision of scholarships and fellowships to artists to enable artists and writers to create their work in safe spaces. 

Artists, writers, scholars, and cultural actors need freedom to engage in expression without fear of repression. There is a marked increase in the number of artists (writers, poets, painters, musicians, singers, dancers, photographers, historians, filmmakers, visual artists) who are subject to attack, threat to life, or denial of medical assistance, food, or water in conflict zones. Artists communicate the identity and history of peoples- their work is tied to the transcendental qualities of being human and part of humanity.

States have a good faith obligation to assess artists and cultural actors for asylum based on recognition of their membership in a particular social group according to the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees. They may also be subject to intersectional discrimination due to their race, religion, nationality, sexual identity, political opinion, or other ground and hence may meet other categories within the definition of a refugee.  States may also design special Cultural Solidarity Humanitarian protection programs for artists, writers, scholars, cultural actors, and their families who are under threat of intimidation or persecution for their cultural expressions or who are unable to leave their countries.

States should also pursue programs to promote the role of artists and other cultural actors in the transitional period in the context of peace consolidation in the home country, incorporating them into Cultural Solidarity for Peace projects involving truth telling, reconciliation, and reintegration processes to promote a culture of peace, forgiveness, and mutual respect between different societal groups.

A nation’s cultural identity should never be erased and the destruction of cultural heritage should be condemned as a form of dehumanization. Restoration of cultural heritage should be pursued as an important mechanism of solidarity peacebuilding within societies divided by conflict. 

Towards a culture of transformative solidarity within Bangladesh

The phenomenon of the emancipatory student led solidarity movement in Bangladesh has created a space to create a new platform for governance founded on the principles of inclusion, non-discrimination, equality, transparency, and peace. The design of a new social contract is contingent on the recognition of the solidarity principle that everyone has an equal right of participation in civic life, freedom, and full enjoyment of all human rights that enable self-fulfillment and human centered development. The urgency of having free, fair elections to enable a successful transition to democracy underscores the need for international support to prevent interference, manipulation, disinformation, and other forms of intrusion.

There is also a need for the creation of an independent, impartial truth, reconciliation, and accountability mechanism to address the legacy of structural violence, exclusion, discrimination, and corruption which lay at the root of the cycles of violence and destruction on all sides.  Accountability for extra-judicial killings, repression of political opponents, censorship, enforced disappearances, forced displacement, and gender-based violence directed at women belonging to opposing political groups or minority religious communities requires serious investigation and prosecution and assistance, collection of evidence, protection and remedies for victims.

It is important to improve heterogeneity within the judiciary, police, and media in order to increase their legitimacy and connection to the society.  This can be supported by dissemination of human rights guidelines and principles on the democratic function of these institutions.

International and national stakeholders should promote peaceful dialogue through open processes that aim to create bridges between different sectors of society, teaching mutual respect among different religious and socio-economic communities, including within schools, thereby including children.  These are first steps to establish the necessary social trust for a new epoch in which Bangladesh’s diversity can be lauded as the strength of transforming the nation through solidarity.

In Honor of Johan Galtung- A Call for Recognition of the Universality of Positive Peace and International Solidarity to Counter World Disorder

The passing of Johan Galtung, the peace scholar who articulated the concept of “positive peace” as incorporating equality, non-discrimination, and termination of structural violence marks the urgency of the international community to repair what Agnes Callamard described as an international system “rooted more in systemic inequality and discrimination than in universality.”[1] Citing the many examples of atrocity crimes in the twentieth century, culminating in Israel and Gaza at present, she called for accountability to counter the rampant impunity by state and non-state actors. However, a more pressing challenge is whether it is possible to complement accountability measures with strategies to pursue positive peace and solidarity. It is notable that the UN Declaration on the Right to Peace Art. 2 sets forth the responsibility of states to guarantee equality and non-discrimination as a means to build peace within and between societies[2]. The former High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet invoked the role of civil society espousing solidarity as a means for attaining equality: “Equality is about empathy and solidarity and about understanding that, as a common humanity, our only way forward is to work together for the common good.”[3] 

The staggering levels of inequality around the world are fomenting violence and instability, in direct contradiction of the UN Charter’s affirmation of the aim of “the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small.”[4] Human Rights has suffered from a myopic era in which there was neglect and underfinancing programs focused on securing equality for all and the corollary of the need to recognize and implement collective rights and duties. Creative new approaches that aim to correct the imbalance in policy and practice should be based on human rights. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 (2) articulates a duty of care as an element of being human: “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.” One may reflect that the lack of dissemination of a universal duty of care correlates with the resounding failure of modern governments and societies to end practices that marginalize and exclude others from the enjoyment of human rights.

It may be suggested that the first step to countering the trend towards world disorder would require a collective pivot towards recognition of common obligations of care towards all others within a nation and externally through programs promoting positive peace and international solidarity.  All governments and civil society actors should galvanize support for bringing to an end all forms of apartheid and systemic exclusionary structures to enable the fair participation of all people (irrespective of sex, race, ethnicity, nationality, religion, language economic class, age, etc.) in education, work, and civic life. The Revised Draft Declaration on Human Rights and International Solidarity Article 9 (c ) calls for States to act in solidarity with civil society by “Building the full, equal and meaningful political participation of all people in national, regional and global decision-making positions”.[5]  We may envision the international community embarking upon a type of global social contract based on allegiance to the universality of the principles of positive peace and international solidarity, reversing the trend of inequality, polarization, fragmentation, and violence that has enveloped our world.


[1] Agnes Callamard, Gaza and the End of the Rules Based Order: What the Israel-Hamas War means for Human Rights and International Law, Foreign Affairs (February 15, 2024).

[2] Declaration on the Right to Peace, adopted by the UN General Assembly A/RES/71/189 (2 February 2017),

[3] Equality is at the heart of human rights | OHCHR

[4] Inequality Inc. | Oxfam (oxfamamerica.org)

[5] reviseddraftdeclarationrightInternationalsolidarity.pdf (ohchr.org)

Write On! Civil Society and International Solidarity

As the UN Independent Expert on Human Rights and International Solidarity I have witnessed a rise in the engagement of civil society groups in actions and expressions that seek to promote transnational unity, empathy, tolerance, and cooperation at a time of polarization and war. These initiatives are the elements of a strong culture of international solidarity in support of peace and social progress. However, these groups are increasingly subject to censorship and reprisals for their expression of international solidarity, including loss of funding, censorship, loss of employment, arrest, attack, harassment, persecution, prosecution and arbitrary detention, or other forms of penalization.

This is a call to civil society actors to contribute to my next report on Civil Society and International Solidarity- deadline February 15th! Student groups and Academic Institutions can also participate. There is a separate call for State institutions. Please contribute to help bring awareness to the role of civil society in promoting international solidarity: https://lnkd.in/dGpQtqSS

The Roxham Road saga in Canada, and what it tells us about the popular feeling about migrants worldwide

After years of negotiations, Joe Biden and Justin Trudeau have come to an agreement on the expansion of the Third Safe Country Agreement (TSCA) between the United States and Canada to irregular entry points, on March 24th, 2023. This led to the closure of Roxham Road at midnight on the following day. To summarize the legal context, until then, if asylum seekers were to cross the land border between the US and Canada they would be returned to whichever of these two countries they were in first. That is, however, unless they entered the second State through irregular entry points, which were not included in the previous version of the TSCA, adopted in 2002.

The new version of the TSCA, which is not yet publicly available and from which all the details have not yet been unveiled, applies to all crossings, by land or internal waters, including, and this is what is new, those between the regular points of entry. On both sides of the border, this expansion of the TSCA seems to obey public pressure to stop irregular entries into the country. Because people entering irregularly were mainly coming from the US to Canada, Canada agreed to welcome an additional 15,000 migrants from the Western hemisphere, a very mysterious formula, on a humanitarian basis in the upcoming year, to compensate partially.

For me, there is no well-founded argument to support the expansion, and even the upholding of the TSCA, as well as the closure of Roxham Road (see migration law experts on the matter herehere and here). Note, in particular, the TSCA is currently under judicial review by the Supreme Court of Canada for its conformity with the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

Even if it would not violate human rights of human seekers per se, there are no measures adopted by States that have ever stopped migration, even the highest and most-sophisticated wall. In addition to being costly for States, obstacles to migration re-locate migration to other borders or to other points of irregular entry, often more dangerous ones. Additionally, they reinforce organized crime at the border by increasing recourse to falsified documents and smugglers, thus increasing security concerns for migrants and at the border. Ultimately, obstacles to migration increase the number of undocumented migrants within the country. Indeed, even though some asylum seekers used to enter the Canadian territory through an irregular entry point such as Roxham Road, they were screened by the RCMP – including on security grounds – and entered the regular asylum system by depositing a demand for asylum as soon as they arrived. It won’t be the case now that Roxham Road is closed since they will enter via clandestine means or paths and will thus not be identified and screened upon entry.

Yet the narrative that brought the Canadian government to negotiate to expand the TSCA and close Roxham Road is strong and deeply rooted in the political and popular discourses. Indeed, there has been a torrent of political and editorial calls for the closure of Roxham Road in Canada (see, for example, the public letter of Quebec’s Prime Minister and the comparison of a crossing of Roxham board with an all-inclusive trip by a federal opposition party on its social media). In January 2023, there were 68% of the population in the province of Quebec in favour of closing Roxham Road. 

To be fair, people in Quebec feeled that, because Roxham Road, the main irregular entry point between the US and Canada, is on their soil, they beared a disproportionate responsibility towards asylum seekers within Canada. If it may be true that Quebec used to bear an important part of the “burden” of asylum seekers in Canada, the mere repeal of the TSCA was a valid option; expanding it and closing Roxham Road cannot be the right solution. 

In any case, the number of entries has to be nuanced; in 2022, only 40,000 persons have entered Canada through Roxham Road. In comparison, on the American continent, approximately 340,000 asylum seekers present themselves on the southern border of the United States each year. Brazil and Costa Rica have received more than 200,000 claims each in 2022, and Peru 537,000. There are currently, according to the UNHCR, 4.9 million asylum seekers worldwide.

Be it as it may, my aim here is not to focus on the federal disputes between Quebec and the rest of Canada regarding migration. Rather, I now wish to briefly explore what the massive popular and political mobilization against Roxham Road in the past few months tells us about the global perception of migrants. Indeed, mistrust towards migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers, and a tendency to border closure is not unique to Canada. New border walls are built every year in the hope of preventing migration; from six fences at the fall of the Berlin wall, this number has grown to somewhere between seventy and eighty, most of them erected after the turn of the millennium. This is without mentioning the various externalization practices of States, especially Western States, such as pushback, non-rescue of migrants at sea, offshore detention, abroad processing, etc. Economic, social, political, cultural and security considerations motivate such practices. Canada is no exception. But there is also, underlying these initiatives, a fundamental mistrust of humankind towards the «other», the «stranger», no matter how they have been defined throughout history. 

More specifically, this strong tendency of fear towards the «other», the «stranger», has been reinforced after 9/11, through frequent equations between the “migrant” and the “terrorist”, even more so between the “refugee” and the “terrorist”. This has been vehiculated by populist parties and movements, by media, but also through international legal instruments (see, for example, UN Security Council Resolution 1373, para 2(c) and  3(f) and the 2006 UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy adopted by the General Assembly, para 2 and 7 of the second pillar (similar provisions still figure is the latest updated version of the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy of 2021, see para. 32 and 38)). Yet the amalgam of terrorism with asylum seekers or refugees has never been supported by scientific data. Indeed, it cannot be demonstrated that the welcoming of refugees or asylum seekers puts a country at higher security risks, even in the case of massive displacements (which was not the case through the Roxham Road in Canada). Indeed, the sole correlation that has been established between refugees and terrorism is the increase of hate crimes by homegrown right-wing movements or individuals towards migrants in countries that welcome a high number of migrants.

Indeed, I find it very shocking that Quebec and Canada respectively pushed towards and adopted measures leading to the closure of Roxham Road. This obeys the popular favour, but counters all logic, where there should be a public responsibility to educate and inform the population. Such a political decision not only goes counter to reasonable thinking (let’s not forget, if it needs to be added, that Canada is under a severe labour shortage, with more than one million vacant positions in Canada, this currently being the most severe challenge for businesses in the country) but contradicts also the most elementary considerations of humanity. It must be kept in mind, indeed, that contrarily to the widespread belief, asylum seekers who used to cross through Roxham Road were not coming for vacations nor to benefit from our public services, but were fleeing for their lives, security, liberty and most fundamental human rights, leaving everything they love, as well as friends and part of their families behind. This was everything but an easy journey, and, even for those who were to be granted asylum, it was very far from being finished when they entered Canada.

Statement by Afghanistan’s Women Protester Movements Coalition re Taliban ban on women workers at UN offices

Afghanistan’s Women Protester Movements Coalition
Press Statement

5 April 2023

The Taliban’s ban on women’s employment at the United Nations offices was foreseeable. The Taliban have made women’s right to work and education a tool for their political bargaining with the international community. They don’t believe in the participation of women in public life. They seek to systematically remove women from public spaces and have issued more than 40 decrees aimed at oppressing women since their return to power.

In December 2022, when the Taliban banned women’s employment in NGOs, women protesters expected international aid agencies to have a unified approach in protesting the Taliban’s restrictions on women’s employment and not continue their activities in Afghanistan without female employees. Contrary to our expectations, once again international aid agencies, including the United Nations, negotiated an agreement with the Taliban which allowed women to continue their work in limited sectors.

Such settlements and the international community’s unconditional engagement with the Taliban have emboldened them. The lack of unified and strong action in response to the Taliban’s continued attacks on the rights of women has led to the Taliban continuing their attacks with impunity.

Only the Taliban are responsible for starving 28 million Afghans who rely on humanitarian aid. By banning women’s employment, the Taliban take away the right to a decent life from the Afghan people and contribute to more poverty and hunger in Afghanistan. If this situation continues it will lead to a further crisis in the country.

In response to the Taliban’s recent ban on women’s employment in United Nations agencies, we, members of Afghanistan’s Women Protester Movements Coalition, once again call on the United Nations and other international aid agencies to:

  • Stop their operations in Afghanistan until women are allowed to work.
  • Abandon unconditional engagement with the Taliban and use all means and leverage to hold them accountable for their human rights violations.

The situation in Afghanistan is not only a humanitarian catastrophe but most importantly a human rights crisis. International aid agencies, including the United Nations, must demonstrate their commitment to human rights values in practice and place women’s human rights at the top of their priorities.

If the United Nations and other international aid agencies cannot firmly defend the rights of their female employees, we doubt their intentions to help the people of Afghanistan transition out of the current crisis.

Peace and Solidarity: Dilemmas of the Evolution of International Law in An Age of Decoupling

I presented my research to the North South Webinar Series, based on my previous Research Handbook on International Law and Peace (Edward Elgar 2019) and my forthcoming Research Handbook on International Law and Solidarity (Edward Elgar 2023). I will discuss the normative evolution of these third generation rights, the link to the UN Report Our Common Agenda, solidarity paradoxes in an age of decoupling and recoupling, as well as securitized peace and solidarity. There is a role for peace and solidarity in the context of transitional justice, and hence relevant to intractable conflicts like Palestine in which peace and solidarity civic society spaces are under threat. I argue for a pro homine peace and solidarity that is gendered, intergenerational, and inclusive. Peace and Solidarity are both means and ends as they call for pacific settlement of disputes, recognition of the right to freedom of expression (including digital access) and equitable participation and benefit in the common heritage of mankind. The lecture is available here